January 2008


When I was born, the gobal population was about 2.4-billion, all in.

Today we’ve grown to over six billion and that’s expected to peak to over nine billion by 2050. Yet of today’s six billion, two out of five, 41% don’t have access to a latrine. That’s 2.6 billion people living their daily lives without sanitation, more than the entire population of the planet when I was born. In Toronto, that would mean upwards of 800,000 people going on the street or in alleys or subway stations or behind your house or beside your car. Try to imagine what that would be like.

Of course we don’t have to imagine that, we don’t have to think about it at all. This is Canada and pretty much everybody has a pot to… well you know.

It’s estimated that 1.5-million children die every year from lack of sanitation and associated hygiene threats. That’s a lot of kids, isn’t it?

Why am I bringing this up? Just to point out that, while problems like global warming and nuclear proliferation deserve our urgent attention, we can’t turn our backs on a host of additional problems just like this one.

Oh, by the way, this is the International Year of Sanitation. There’ll even be a World Toilet Summit held in Macao this November to find ways of meeting the goal of reducing by half the percentage of people without access to sanitation by 2015.

Brian Mulroney’s lawyer is hinting the boss may not make another appearance before the Commons ethics committee “unless he gets assurances from the committee that it won’t stray from its mandate” or at least what Mulroney contends is its mandate.

It’s becoming increasingly obvious that there are plenty of areas Mulroney doesn’t want the committee exploring, plenty of questions he’d rather not have to answer.

If he doesn’t come back, subpoena him. If he doesn’t answer the subpoena, proceed against him for contempt and have him brought forward in cuffs if he makes that necessary. Get Mulroney in the witness chair and, this time, get him under oath.

Maybe that’ll mean he’ll claim the protection against self-incrimination of the Canada Evidence Act, but so be it. At least let him wear that for the rest of his life if he so chooses. This is a guy who claims he’s done nothing wrong, he has nothing to hide. Odd how he’s done such a fine job of hiding so far.


Whenever Brian Mulroney falls into controversy it always seems to involve cash. Long before he started pocketing envelopes of the stuff from Karlheinz Schreiber, Mulroney was awash in good, old fashion, paper currency – bundles of it.

The Commons ethics committee is planning on calling two men who can shed some light on this. One is Mulroney’s former Chief of Staff, Norman Spector, and the other is the Mulroney’s private chef, Francois Martin. From the Toronto Star:

“Spector, chief of staff to Mulroney in the early 1990s, wrote about the payments in a forward to Toronto lawyer and author William Kaplan’s book about Mulroney’s relationship with Schreiber.

He describes Mulroney’s networking with wealthy and powerful people. He writes also of Mila Mulroney’s “expensive lifestyle.”

“Mulroney was not a rich man. Party funds were being drawn, and one of our staff was assigned to pore through personal expenses to determine if some might be reimbursed. Every month I cashed a cheque at a local bank and remitted the funds to Mila,” Spector wrote.

The committee also expects to hear from François Martin, Mulroney’s former chef, who has told of transporting thick envelopes of cash for the family.

In Stevie Cameron’s 1994 On the Take, Martin tells of visiting Mulroney aide Fred Doucet in the Prime Minister’s Office to pick up thick envelopes of cash and deliver them to Mila Mulroney.

“Cash came in like it was falling from the sky,” he said in the book.”

Author Stevie Cameron quotes Martin as telling her Mulroney kept a large safe in the basement of 24 Sussex Drive to hold the cash. She also claims that when Mulroney bought his $1.7-million retirement home in Montreal, he and Mila had it extensively renovated. The renos, she claims, cost close to $1-million and much of the cost was paid – in cash.

The Canadian Armed Forces have taken on a Herculean chore in Afghanistan. Maybe that’s because we – and the handful of participating NATO nations – are stuck in peacekeeping mode.

I have nothing against peacekeeping. I believe that’s what Canadian forces do best, where they make the greatest contribution. That said, Afghanistan isn’t about peacekeeping. It’s counterinsurgency warfare. Yet we’re still approaching it as though it was something else and that’s why, six years down the road, we still sit around with our thumbs up our backsides sending our soldiers out trolling for IEDs.

We’re told the biggest task is to train an Afghan army of somewhere between 40,000 to 70,000 soldiers to ensure the security of the country and the central government in Kabul. What have we accomplished? 15, maybe 20,000 tops and a lot of them either deserting or about to every day. Six years for this?

In six years we ought to have been able to recruit, equip and train an army of 100,000 from Quaker colonies alone! But the Afghan people aren’t pacifists, they’re steeped in martial history although it’s generally been on a tribal level but still. So what gives? Damn little, and that’s the problem.

The answer lies in Canada’s mission to Kandahar but you can find the same message in the Dutch, the German and the French contingents also. We’re over there on peacekeeping mode.

In warfighting mode, the relative positions of civilian and military leaders shift somewhat. The civilian leadership remains in overall command and tells the military what it wants. The military then tells the civilian leadership what it needs to do the job. The civilian leadership then comes up with what the military needs or at least it does its best to fit the bill. Then the military goes out and achieves what it’s been told to accomplish or dies trying.

The military measures its needs according to the job it’s been given. If it has to fight an army of 20,000, it needs enough force to do that job. If it has to fight an army of 100,000, it needs considerably more. What the military needs is defined by the challenge. If the government wants to run convoys it needs to churn out corvettes and frigates. If it wants to fight an air war it needs bombers and fighters.

We’re at war in Afghanistan but we’re not acting like it. At the risk of droning on about this again, when we picked up the Kandahar mission, General Rick Hillier prescribed a force of about 2,500 soldiers for the job. That would give him 1,500 inside the wire to do all the support jobs necessary to let him maintain a combat force of 1,000 soldiers outside the wire. Why only 1,000? Well, at the outset, Hillier told the fawning flock of reporters that we were only facing a “few dozen …scumbags.” Even though Kandahar at 52,000 sq. kms. is a good amount of territory, 1,000 soldiers ought to have been enough to handle a few dozen bad guys.

But that few dozen quickly turned into a few hundred and now into the thousands with several thousand more waiting their turn just across the line in Pakistan and what are we deploying to meet that threat? Why a force of 2,500; 1,500 inside the wire and 1,000 troops outside, just like we had at the outset.

We were supposed to have the bad guys handily outnumbered but we don’t anymore. Their numbers have grown, by an order of magnitude, while ours remain static or, perhaps, stagnant. We remain, even at this late date, with a force measured to conventional warfighting, not counterinsurgency.

Guerrilla war isn’t fought with tanks and artillery and air strikes. Heavy firepower ought to play a relatively minor role. Counterinsurgency is a war of soldiers, lots of soldiers. It requires the government side to occupy ground, denying that territory and the civilians and villages within it to the enemy. You keep them out by being there yourself.

The Romans mastered counterinsurgency warfare and just about every power since then has had a go at it. Vietnam, Algeria, Cuba, Afghanistan are all examples where the guerrillas won. There are others. Let’s see – where did they lose? I’ll have to get back to you on that. Sure there was Malaya but there the Brits weren’t dealing with a nationalist force but an insurgency spawned by an ethnic minority (Chinese) that the Malays wouldn’t support.

Notice I said “nationalist”? That’s because guerrilla movements are nationalist. They come from within and seek to implant their vision on their country. It’s their country. It’s where they and their families and their tribes live. They don’t want to destroy the country, they want to reshape it. That’s why their war is a political war. Only by achieving their political goals – foremost among them the collapse of popular support for the central government – do they win.

You don’t get very far trying to force a guerrilla opponent to fight a military war. By the simple fact that they don’t have tanks or artillery or helicopter gunships or mobility or high tech communications, there’s no way they can win a military war. But they don’t have to win a military war, they don’t have to fight a military war. Our senior officers just make themselves look idiotic when they mock the Taliban for not coming out to “fight like men.” That’s the mentality of leadership that’s committed to fighting the wrong war, the military war.

The low manpower/high firepower military war plays into the hands of the insurgents. We’ve become addicted to massively superior firepower as a “force multiplier” a way to avoid having to actually multiply the force itself. It’s just super, as long as you can get your enemy to mass into a convenient formation in a suitable battlefield. That’s military war. Those same, massive firepower weapons lose political wars. Because you rely on weaponry you don’t have soldiers on the ground in the villages to keep the insurgents out. Then, when the guerrillas provoke you into firing on them, your powerful weaponry almost inevitably wipes out civilians in the mix.

Now, you may kill ten guerrillas and only two civilians but in the village down the road the locals are going to get told you killed twelve civilians and they’re going to believe it. There, you just took another loss in the political war. They’re going to believe it because they know these insurgents freely come into their villages also and that means they could be the next in line for your “death from above.” They lay the blame for the dead civilians at your feet because they know that when their turn comes it’ll be a Western bomb that kills their family. And all that heavy firepower they associate with that guy Karzai in Kabul. Eventually they may see the guerrillas as their only hope of getting to live in peace again.

So, what’s the answer? Surely it must begin in taking the decision to either leave or wage a counterinsurgency war. We either fight the insurgents in their political war or we leave. How do we fight a counterinsurgency war? You do what it takes and that means your political leaders decide to provide their military leaders with what they need for this type of warfare – massive numbers of soldiers.

Those leaders, Harper included, need to take a couple of hours to read America’s new Counterinsurgency Field Manual, FM 3-24. If you want to read it and know more about the problem than your own prime minister and his defence minister and, perhaps, even our top general, follow this link:

www.fas.org/irp/doddir/army/fm3-24fd.pdf

The lead author of fm3-24 was America’s guerrilla warfare wunderkind, David Petraeus. It came about because the American military realized after 9/11 that it knew almost nothing about counterinsurgency warfare. They also realized there was a treasure trove of invaluable information at their fingertips from all those guerrilla wars over the last two millenia and they began by absorbing and digesting that wisdom.

So, what’s the miracle truism of fm3-24? Rule Numero Uno is that counterinsurgency warfare is the most labour-intensive warfare we can undertake. You need people on the ground occupying territory. You need them living in and securing the villages and the fields and the installations. You need them scouring the territory ambushing and hunting down the insurgents. You need scads of soldiers so that you maintain the initiative, not the guerrillas. You win by keeping them on the defensive, unable to access their essential civilian support system. If you don’t, you lose. Which leads to Rule Numeros Dos – Go Big or Go Home.

Harper, loudmouthed braggart that he is, proclaims the government is going to do “what’s right” in Afghanistan, not what it learns from polls. Fair enough. Want to know “what’s right?” Go to fm 3-24 and other recent strategic studies. What’s right is a combat force that falls between one rifle for every twenty five to fifty civilians in the territory to be protected. What’s right means a force of 15-25,000 soldiers in Kandahar, combat soldiers. That’s “what’s right”, and that’s what Harper has absolutely no intention of doing.

What’s right is not leaving our understrength force over there to run through territory it doesn’t control, trolling for IEDs. What’s right is having the courage, the decency to honour the sacrifice of these soldiers by admitting we’re not going to bear the burden of fielding the force they need to win. What’s right is to muster up the integrity to admit it’s time to leave.

Phil Mathias, former “investigative” reporter for the National Spot, has come out swinging (or at least fanning the air) in defence of the guy he never wanted to investigate, Brian Mulroney.

A whole little PR sturm und drang has been unleashed just in time for the resumption of the Commons ethics committee investigation into the dealings between Brian Mulroney and his long time buddy, Karlheinz Schreiber.

One of Muldoon’s lawyers has sent a whining gripe note to committee chairman, Paul Szabo, complaining that the grand old bullshitter himself hasn’t been treated with kid gloves by the committee members. Lawyer Guy Pratte had a right proper hissie, claiming the committee had treated Mulroney unfairly and with disrespect. Oh dear me!

The whole thing seems to have erupted just as there’s talk the committee may subpoena Mulroney’s tax records to see if they will shed any light on the cash-stuffed envelopes that Schreiber passed to our former Conservative prime minister.

Then Phil Mathias waded in with an opinion piece condemning all and sundry for subjecting Mulroney to a witch hunt.

“… the campaign against Mr. Mulroney is what academics call a “mobbing,” a process that is most visible on politically correct university campuses. An unpopular member of faculty is targeted by an accusation and then subjected to an inquisition, which eventually leads to his expulsion in disgrace. Very often, the accusation is trivial or false, and the disciplinary process is abused. This is what has happened to Mr. Mulroney.”

The grudge most Canadians hold against Mr. Mulroney is that he introduced the hated Goods and Services Tax in 1989, a measure that was nevertheless applauded by economists, and later by Liberals. His image suffered a serious blow in 1995, when publisher Seal Books (subsequently absorbed by Random House Canada) decided the best way to excite interest in a book by Stevie Cameron was to feature Mr. Mulroney on the cover dressed opulently in a tuxedo next to the words On the Take, even though the book contained no hard evidence that he has ever taken a bribe.”


“…During his libel action against the government, Mr. Mulroney was asked by government lawyers if he had ever had any dealings with Mr. Schreiber. In his answer, Mr. Mulroney failed to mention a $225,000-$300,000 deal he had made with Mr. Schreiber for work that he would do after he left office. (Mr. Mulroney and Mr. Schreiber disagree on the amount paid.) Mr. Mulroney’s political savvy probably told him that if he revealed the Schreiber deal, the roof would cave in on him, as it has since done. Mr. Mulroney is now condemned for not revealing this arrangement, even though it had nothing to do with the issue in the libel case.”

Hey Phil, if the question wasn’t relevant Mulroney, a lawyer accompanied by senior counsel, could have objected to answering it. He didn’t. Instead he went off on a detailed description of meeting Schreiber a few times for a cup of coffee. Sorry, Phil, but the guy’s under oath and he’s giving a deliberately misleading (ie “false”) answer. He was “savvy” enough to know that if he told the truth, “the roof would cave in on him?” I think that’s called perjury, Phil. He chose to answer the question, he was under oath, what you now think of the question itself is irrelevant, Phil.

The ethics committee now wants to examine Mr. Mulroney’s tax records relating to the $225,000-$300,000 payment, even though Mr. Mulroney received most of the money while he was a private citizen for work that he would do as a private citizen. The Canada Revenue Agency has apparently accepted Mr. Mulroney’s submissions, so why are the tax records of this private citizen a matter of Parliamentary ethics? When a mobbing is in progress, such questions are put aside.”

You see, Phil, there you go again. He received “most” of the money while he was a private citizen. That’s like saying we don’t need to worry about the fact that this transaction was put into effect while BM was a key figure in the government of the day, the former prime minister. Sorry, you’ve got a few spots on your logic Phil and I think they’re grease.


“…By the time the ethics committee and the commission of inquiry have finished with Mr. Mulroney, their inquiries will have added another year or two to the 15 years that this witch hunt has already been going on. And whatever their ultimate findings, the mere process of investigation may destroy the last shreds of Mr. Mulroney’s reputation and make the disgrace of this former Canadian prime minister complete.”

Phil, Phil, Phil – If Mulroney’s reputation is destroyed and his disgrace complete, that’s his doing and no one else’s. If only we could get into GCI and Frank Moores and where that $20-million of Airbus money went and whether any of it found its way into Brian’s pockets but that’s a long shot and Mulroney knows it. CGI is long gone and, fortunately for Mulroney, so is Moores. That’s one thing the Commons committee has clarified. That money – that illicit money – didn’t go to Schreiber but to Frank Moores, the same guy Mulroney appointed to the board of Air Canada just in time for the Airbus deal.

For a supposed “investigative reporter”, Mathias has gone well out of his way for years to avoid investigating this one. Mathias broke the story of the RCMP letter of request, the publication of which created the basis for Mulroney’s defamation suit. It was during a Fifth Estate interview with Mathias in his office at the Spot that a CBC cameraman filmed a letter on his desk that turned out to be the English translation of the “smoking gun” letter. From the Fifth Estate web site:

“Mathias’ former colleague at the National Post, Andrew Coyne, says the leaking of the letter was the act which actually constituted the libel.

“What made it a libel was that it was printed in the Financial Post and everyone could read it there,” Andrew Coyne told the fifth estate. “Obviously Mr. Mulroney would be very concerned about his reputation … but for the police to be passing back and forth allegations to each other on its own it seems to me is not terribly blameworthy.”

Schreiber has long been suspected as source of the Letter of Request that wound up with Mathias. Those suspicions grew when it was revealed by CBC reporter Neil MacDonald that the document in Mathias’ possession was the same translation of the letter Mulroney’s lawyers had filed in court the day they launched their lawsuit.

Mathias had obtained a translation of the justice department letter prepared for Mulroney by Schreiber’s lawyers in Switzerland.

So how could a private document prepared for Mulroney by his own lawyers find its way into the hands of the reporter who broke the story?”

Caught with the translation – not the actual RCMP letter but the translation prepared by Schreiber’s Swiss lawyers – investigative reporter Mathias refused to explain the obvious – how this wound up in his hands, the very reporter who “broke” the story? Was this whole thing – the letter, its publication in the Spot contrived? If so, there was no libel of Brian Mulroney, at least none for which the federal government could be help responsible. We deserve our two million back plus a whole pile of cash-stuffed envelopes in accrued interest.

I hope the committee issues one more subpoena – to Phil Mathias. He has a lot of questions to answer.

Australia’s “Smart Traveler” web site now lists Canada as a destination where visitors should “exercise caution.”

We’re listed as somewhat dangerous due to the risk of terrorism, snow and ice storms, avalanches in BC and forest fires that can supposedly erupt any time.

This assessment is coming from a country that is awash in lethal threats. Australia hosts 17 of the world’s deadliest snakes including the Inland Taipan; a gaggle of nasty bugs including the Funelweb Spider, the Box Jellyfish and Blue-Ringed Octopus, 165-species of sharks, saltwater and freshwater crocodiles, droughts, floods and wildfires.

I wonder if the Aussies are warning potential visitors to steer clear of their own country? It would make a lot of sense, wouldn’t it?

US Defence Secretary Robert Gates hit a raw nerve recently when he criticized NATO nations as being ill-suited to the counterinsurgency mission in Afghanistan. He said we were just way too reliant on airpower and heavy weaponry which led to unnecessary civilian casualties.

There’s some truth in what he says. We have been more than a little too free with airstrikes but, as the American forces – in Afghanistan and Iraq – continunally show us, when it comes to being trigger happy, they’re still Number One.

Just yesterday, American forces operating in a town south of Kabul managed to mistakenly kill 9 Afghan policeman plus one civilian. The US forces were searching homes on the outskirts of town and used explosives to blast open a gate. The Afghan police, hearing the explosion, thought it must be the work of the Taliban and rushed to the scene.

As the police approached, the Americans thought they were Taliban and gunned them down. They even used air power to attack a police vehicle.

The American commander says as far as he’s concerned the victims were insurgents and claimed to have no information on whether they were Afghan police. The incident occured at around 3 a.m.

Poor Count Rudy, he can’t even get a break in his hometown.

America’s newspaper of record, The New York Times, has endorsed John McCain as the best Republican candidate for president. As for Rudy, the paper said it all in this:

The real Mr. Giuliani, whom many New Yorkers came to know and mistrust, is a narrow, obsessively secretive, vindictive man who saw no need to limit police power.”

Not content with kicking Rudy to the curb, the paper went on:

“Mr. Giuliani’s arrogance and bad judgment are breathtaking. When he claims fiscal prudence, we remember how he ran through surpluses without a thought to the inevitable downturn and bequeathed huge deficits to his successor. He fired Police Commissioner William Bratton, the architect of the drop in crime, because he couldn’t share the limelight. He later gave the job to Bernard Kerik, who has now been indicted on fraud and corruption charges.

The Rudolph Giuliani of 2008 first shamelessly turned the horror of 9/11 into a lucrative business, with a secret client list, then exploited his city’s and the country’s nightmare to promote his presidential campaign.”

We can hope that the Times review turns into Giuliani’s political epitaph when Repugs cast their votes in the Florida primary. America and the world will be better off without him.

This is one of those posts where the urge to resort to vulgarity overwhelms the suppression mechanisms so, if you’re feeling of refined sensibilities, move along.

I have had it up to the tits with Manley’s political numbers. Yet that’s the key to seeing through all the feigned sincerity of the Manley Panel’s report.

2,000 – that’s the figure Manley puts forward. If someone – NATO, the United States, the martians – can come up with another 1,000 fighting soldiers, we ought to stay. That’s as far as these hucksters will go, just far enough for Harper to stage manage another scam debate like he did last time.

2,000. Two thousand. A brigade roughly. Why 2,000? Why not 1,800 or 18,000? Read the report. There’s no reason given for the magic number. That’s because there’s no reason for the magic number, other than magic. It’s just a shill’s device for stifling essential, meaningful debate. It’s a political number, one we’re expected to imbue with the quality of sufficiency because it’s enshrined in ink on paper.

We’re supposed to stay in Kandahar to 2011 and beyond so long as someone (presumably the Pentagon) comes up with the next 1,000 soldiers. And then what?

Are we going to win with 2,000 combat soldiers? Win what? Then again, what does “winning” look like to the Manley Panel? NOwhere in the sonorous yet empty report does “the Panel” venture a description of what we’re trying to win and just how we get there. Those are petty details beyond the scope of their higher, political vision.

Now, whether you be left, centre or right-wing, here’s a question. Do you believe we ought to ask Canadian soldiers to sacrifice their lives unless we (“we” – the people, the nation, our government) are actually in this to win?

You see, if you begin with that simple question, you arrive at a proposition that defines each and every remaining question in judging “the mission.” It is, in fact, the essential starting point. Without it, everything else is political numbers, political babble.

If you answer “yes” to that question (and you’re a total aberrant if you don’t), then you must next ask, what is the definition of “win.” What result will we be content with? You have to draw the line somewhere. We’re talking here guerrilla warfare bordering on civil war. That’s inherently messy and confusing. There won’t be any surrender documents signed at ceremonies on the decks of battleships this time.

The Manley Gang assume some bizarre consensus on the notion of winning. That’s why you’ll find no lengthy description and evaluation of options.

Listen to me. If you can’t define “winning”, you can’t wage much less win a war. Alexander the Great, Wellington, Rommel and Patton would think we were fools for even trying. Yet that’s what Manley/Harper would have us do.

Winning is somewhat more than the flip side of losing but working out how not to lose is a good first step in figuring out how to win. We’ve used the awful spectre of losing to justify continuing this war for better than six years now. The common line is that, if we lose, the Taliban returns triumphant. Says who?

Show me something, anything to make the case that the Taliban could return to power but for the military exertions of the US and NATO? We’ve been told that, every day for the past six plus years, and it’s become an article of faith, but protracted, screwed-up military adventures are almost always sustained by faith in delusions.

So, where’s the beef? The Other Side (the non-Pashtun tribes that make up almost 60% of the Afghan population plus the pro-government Pashtuns, collectively) has had six years of breathing space from the days when they were in a deadlocked war of attrition. Why, without us, would they not be able to do just as well as the ISAF infidel at swatting away the Islamists? Why? C’mon, let’s hear something reality-based. We just find it convenient to assume these dodgy South Asian types would all roll over and revert to the Bad Old Days. But for that assumption, that ludicrous home truth, “the mission” would be a f#&@ing joke. Can’t be having that, can we?

It’s not like these backward peoples need us to teach them how to fight. Ask the generals of the old Soviet army, hell ask Rudyard Kipling. They know how to fight and they need neither our training nor encouragement to do it.

What if we just let them settle Afghanistan’s hash (pun not intended)? I raise it simply because it’s an obvious question that you should but won’t find raised in the Manley Brigade report.

I could go on and on and on but I’ve found that I’ve already gone well past the useful limit of this blog medium so I’ll leave the rest of this rant for another time.

Forget “trickle down/supply side” economics. That’s so 80’s, a means to get government off the backs of the most advantaged so they can really go to town. Sure it creates enormous debt and undermines social programmes but the rich don’t give a dump about their Medicare benefits or Social Security cheques, do they, and you can always pawn the debt off on the working classes by deftly tweaking the tax code to shift the burden off the rich, the investment class, the rentiers, by cutting tax from investment income and shifting that burden over onto wages, earned income. But you can only take that so far, or can you?

Here’s an idea! What about getting the taxpayers, i.e. the working folk, to bail out the investor classes? Take subprime mortgages. The investor class made a killing selling and shuffling bad paper. If it wasn’t legal (more or less) it’d be criminal. But all good things must end and, right now, those investors are scared to death of massive defaults on those dodgy mortgages they spent the Bush years flogging to everyone who could sign their name. So, what do you do?

How ’bout the Fed maybe coming up with a $20-billion relief package? Better yet, why doesn’t the White House and Congress come up with a $150-billion “stimulus” bill, sending tax rebates to the workers? Put a few hundred bucks in their pockets and hope that lets some of them pay their mortgages. The best part? It’s all done with borrowed money. We’ll pay the workers with money we borrowed on their behalf that they or their kids will wind up having to repay, with interest! We’ll just tell’em we’re giving them the money. They’ll never know the difference.

See, the idea isn’t “trickle down” any more. It’s bubble-up. The investor class has long since invested their tax cuts into Asia but the working guy, he has to spend that money, and so it bubbles up right back to the tax-haven accounts of the most deserving or, as I like to call’em, the “Haves and the Have-Mores.” Abe was wrong. You can fool all of the people all of the time.

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